by Mark Silva
Eric Holder, President Barack Obama's nominee for attorney general, made plenty of people uncomfortable when he asserted, flatly, in his confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, that water-boarding is torture.
During the opening round of questions, Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy asked Holder if he thought water-boarding - that simulation of drowning which the U.S. has used in some interrogations of captive "enemy combatants'' - is torture, noting that Alberto Gonzalez, Bush's final attorney general, and Gonzalez's replacement, Michael Mukasey, would never answer that question directly. "Yes," Holder said. "Water-boarding is torture."
Gonzales, in an interview airing on National Public Radio's Tell Me More today, voiced his concern about "Making a blanket pronouncement like that.'' He noted "the effect it may have... on the morale and the dedication of intelligence officials and lawyers throughout the administration."
Not to mention to fear of possible prosecutions that it raises.
"My reaction was very similar to General Mukasey's reaction, which was concern about making a pronouncement like that,'' Gonzales said, pointing to the "concern that would arise in the minds of intelligence officials and lawyers at the department, who all acted in good faith, working as hard as they can under very difficult circumstances, to give advice and make decisions to protect our country...
"I don't know whether or not, in making that statement, Mr. Holder had access to all of the opinions, all of the underlying documentation supporting the opinions'' that the Justice Department had issued on the question, he said - noting also "the threat that existed at the time these opinions were offered, and the opinions of the intelligence officials about their belief in a particular detainee having very important, valuable intelligence information that might save American lives.''
On the question of prosecuting officers who employed any of the "extreme tactics'' that the Bush administration has acknowledged, without admitting to any "torture'' of detainees: "I don't think that there's going to be a prosecution, quite frankly.'' Gonzales said. "Because again, these activities.... They were authorized, they were supported by legal opinions at the Department of Justice.''
When Holder is confirmed - with a vote expected Wednesday - he "will have to make a decision as to whether or not move forward with an investigation or a prosecution,'' Gonzales said. "But under those circumstances, I find it hard to believe...
"Nonetheless, the very discussion about it is extremely discouraging,'' the former attorney general said. "And I have talked to officials, senior officials at the CIA for example, who tell me that agents at the CIA no longer have any interest at doing anything remotely controversial, for fear that they are going to be investigated, and they're going to have to go out and hire lawyers in order to do their job.
"And so it has a very discouraging effect. And the net result of all of that is that people will not be doing what they need to be doing to gain intelligence that will help us connect the dots and protect our country from another attack."
Here, courtesy of National Public Radio, is the interview that Tell Me More host Michel Martin conducted with former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales airing today:
MICHEL MARTIN: He's given few interviews since he's resigned as Attorney General in September 2007, but now he's speaking out, he's here with us in our Washington D.C. studios for much of the hour, so we hope. Mr. Gonzales, welcome. Thank you so much for joining us.
FORMER ATTORNEY GENERAL ALBERTO MR. GONZALES: I'm happy to be here.
MS. MARTIN: You were on the plane with President George W. Bush when he flew back home to Texas last Tuesday after Barack Obama took the oath of office, what was that like?
MR. GONZALES: It was bittersweet as you might imagine -I think there was a great deal of joy, joyous celebration in terms of the end of a tenure and an experience that we will all shared. A little sadness that we would no longer be working together on very important issues that affected the citizens of this country. For me, it was a really great experience to be with the President, to say goodbye to the President, to thank the President for his service, thank him for the opportunities that he has given me, so I really very much enjoyed the experience.
MS. MARTIN: What was it like watching Barack Obama take the oath? I assume you were probably at Andrews air force base, given the timing and probably watching there, what was that like?
MR. GONZALES: Well most of the Texans and the senior staff flying down to Texas, we were all huddled together in the visitors lounge at Andrews as President Obama took the oath. We all applauded afterwards. You know, it's a proud moment for America quite frankly for a number of reasons, also another example of the wonderful transition of the peaceful transfer of power that occurs in our country ever four or eight years, so very very proud moment, very historic moment of course.
MS. MARTIN: None of my business, but do you mind telling me who you voted for?
MR. GONZALES: Who did I? I voted for John McCain. I believe that John McCain, I believe in his policies and his visions of America, and that's why I support him and that's why I think people should vote for someone.
MS. MARTIN: Can you just take me back to the beginning? It is my understanding that when President George H. W. Bush, Bush 41 first asked you to come to Washington you said no?
MR. GONZALES: That's right. When Bush 41 was President of the United States, they were looking for minorities to come into the administration and I was asked to be a special assistant at HUD and a special assistant, I believe at the VA, but I said no because I wanted to stay and hopefully make partner at the law firm that I was at in Houston. When Governor Bush became Governor in 1995 in my first conversation with him, I asked him why me, why did you ask me to come be your general council of your staff? We didn't know each other very well at all and I was somewhat surprised at the offer. He told me then that when I said no to his dad, you said no to my old man and that's when I first got on his radar screen.
MS. MARTIN: Did you want to come to Washington with President George W. Bush, Bush 43?
MR. GONZALES: I did, I just want to state one election in 2000 I was on the ballot with the President in Texas. I was on the ballot for a six year term to remain on the Texas Supreme Court; I was a sitting justice on the Supreme Court of Texas, but when he was elected President, and I was asked to come to Washington to be the White House counsel - I said yes, because it is such a unique opportunity to work in the White House, particularly to serve someone that you know, that you know fairly well. It seemed to me that the next logical step in the progression of my profession.
MS. MARTIN: Did you have your sights set on Attorney General when you first came to Washington, was that your dream job?
MR. GONZALES: Absolutely not. I really was just focused on working in the White House, it is, both jobs are extremely unique. Working in the White House is such a privilege, to wake up every day, and to go to the White House to work, particularly at a senior level position and particularly for someone that you have a relationship with. It was quite an experience, but at the end of the day, it is only a staff position if you think about it. Working as Attorney General, you are a counted official; you have responsibility for 110,000 employees at the Department of Justice. You are the point person for the administration on policy managed in the Congress and before the media. You have a lot responsibility to really make a difference in the lives of Americans and so both jobs are tremendous and they are wonderful opportunities for different reasons
MS. MARTIN: I was just wondering, when you came to Washington id you say to yourself, you are obviously an ambitious guy and did you say to yourself, "Gee, that's the job I want to have, at some point"?
MR. GONZALES: I don't think so. Quite frankly, during the first term, most of the attention on me was whether I was going to go onto the Supreme Court, but I stayed focus on my job. I liked, loved working in the White House, I loved seeing the President every day, and so that was, again, there was a lot to do just in charge of my responsibilities of the White House counsel. No, I didn't think about becoming Attorney General.
MS. MARTIN: If you are just joining us, you are listening to Tell Me More, from NPR News, our guest today is former Attorney General, former White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales. Did you, in his last appearance before the White House press corp, President Bush said he never felt the burdens of the office, what about you, did you?
MR. GONZALES: Yes. It's a, the decisions that we have to make at this level are tremendous, and they are very, very controversial at times. You have to make tough, controversial decisions in these kind of positions, and you're going to make mistakes. If you think that people don't make mistakes at this level, then you just have no understanding of the responsibilities that exist with this kind of job. So yes, you feel the responsibility, you feel the burden, because there is just so much at stake. Not just domestically, but sometimes there are international consequences to the decisions you make, and you want to get it right, and you work as hard as you can to get it right. Fortunately, you are often surrounded by the best and the brightest in our country and we work together to try to reach the right conclusion, to reach the right decisions on behalf of the American people.
MS. MARTIN: As I mentioned your tenure, and this no secret to you, that your tenure as White House Counsel and later Attorney General has been very much criticized by people on both side of the aisle. Why do you think that is?
MR. GONZALES: I think, again, because we had to make some very, very touch decisions in probably one of the most unique periods in our nation's history. Decisions that have never been confronted or had to be dealt with in our nations history, or not since, probably since World War II, because being a nation at war against terrorism and we have to make tough decisions, sometimes you are going to make people unhappy and that just comes with this type of position you can't be afraid of controversy. You have to decide what is right and make those decisions, if you are afraid of controversy, you become paralyzed and you don't make decisions. So, it just comes with the job as far as I am concerned.
MS. MARTIN: One of the things that didn't come out until after you'd left that job. One of the things that people talk about and criticize you is something that didn't come out until later. When they talk about the time back in March 2004 when you and then Chief of Staff Andy Card went to the hospital room of then Attorney General John Ashcroft, to get him to reauthorize the domestic surveillance program, which he refused to do. He said that Deputy Attorney General James Comey was in charge, but many people looked at that incident and being just in poor taste, arrogant, abusive. The only thing you have publicly said about this subsequently was that you were disappointed that Deputy Chief Attorney General James Comey gave this testimony about that without talking to you first. What is your side about that? Why did you go to his hospital room?
MR. GONZALES: Well let me just say that neither Andy or I, and obviously I can't really speak for Andy, but I feel comfortable saying that neither Andy nor I would have gone there to take advantage of someone who was sick. Andy and I both in fact talked about the importance of satisfying ourselves, as we talked with General Ashcroft that he was in fact competent. We talked about it over at the White House and we talked about it in the Sedan over to the hospital. We were concerned about that. We were sent there on behalf of the President of the United States. We had just had a very, left a very important meeting with the Congressional leadership about a very important intelligence program that the Congressional leadership agreed with the President should continue because it was a particularly heightened period of threats against the United States and against our allies. And I might remind your listeners, that the very next morning you had the Madrid train bombings and so it was a very serious period of time. We had a very important program that the Congressional leadership and the executive branch leadership seemed to feel that this was something that should continue.
MS. MARTIN: Are you saying that the President told you to go?
MR. GONZALES: What I'm saying is I was sent there on behalf of the President of the United States, the Chief of Staff and the Council of the President, we went to the hospital on behalf of the President, we went to the hospital to make sure that General Ashcroft had this information. That's why we went to the hospital.
MS. MARTIN: You mean had the information about the Madrid bombing or had the information that this was of importance to the President and the Congressional leadership?
MR. GONZALES: The Madrid bombings had not happened yet, that would happen the next morning. We went to the hospital to make sure that the Attorney General had information about the approval of the congressional leadership. We felt that as a former member of Congress that that would make a difference for him and as someone who'd been involved in the reauthorization of this program for three years; we thought that would make a difference.
And I'll just say that if I were the Attorney General at the time, and the President was about to make a decision over the objection of my deputy, a decision that was consistent with the advice that I've given him for three years and a decision that was consistent with the approval of the Congressional leadership, I'd like to know about it.
MS. MARTIN: How did you feel though when you found out that Attorney General Ashcroft, Deputy Attorney General James Comey, FBI Director Mueller, all their aides were preparing to resign en mass over this. Did you know that at the time that they felt so strongly about this?
MR. GONZALES: What I will just say as a general manner, is that sometimes people feel strongly about positions and about decisions that are made within the executive branch. Sometimes people say things in the heat of the moment. At the end of the day what's important is that we all came together and came to a resolution that ensured the continued safety of our country.
MS. MARTIN: I still want to, you work closely with these people you worked closely with John Ashcroft you worked closely with FBI director Mueller, within obviously the appropriate boundaries by your respective jobs, but did it not give you pause at all when they all said, we'll quit, we'll all leave?
MR. GONZALES: I don't know who, again, I can't confirm that all these people were saying we're all going to leave, again. Lawyers disagree, they often disagree about very controversial issues, they often disagree about tough legal analysis and legal questions. That's what lawyers do, and I think we need to invite that kind of debate that kind of discourse between lawyers on very, very tough issues. And so the fact that someone may have been unhappy, may have disagreed with a particular decision or legal analysis that should not surprise anyone.
MS. MARTIN: How did you react when this came out, sometime later when this, that whole visit came out sometime later in about 2006, about two years later. What was your reaction, you were out of town at the time that the testimony, that James Comey testified. Do you remember how you felt?
MR. GONZALES: I was disappointed that Mr. Comey had not have the courtesy to at least inform the Department of Justice or the White House that this testimony was coming.
MS. MARTIN: We need to pause here for just a moment, and we're going to continue our conversation with former U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales after the break.
BREAK
MS. MARTIN: We've been talking about some of the more controversial episodes in your tenure, both as White House counsel and as Attorney General. And I think the second thing that people think about when they think about you is your role in formulating the White House's policies on interrogation techniques. Now the man designated as the Attorney General for the Obama administration in his testimony before congress, in his confirmation hearings, has explicitly said that he thinks that water boarding is torture. I'm going to play a short clip.
AUDIO CLIP
MS. MARTIN: When you heard that, what was your reaction?
MR. GONZALES: My reaction was very similar to General Mukasey's reaction, which was concern about making a pronouncement like that - concern that would arise in the minds of intelligence officials and lawyers at the department, who are all acting in good faith, working as hard as they can under very difficult circumstances, to give advice and make decisions to protect country. And when you have that kind of pronouncement, it concerned me as it did Gen. Mukasey.
I don't know whether or not, in making that statement, Mr. Holder had access to all of the opinions, all of the underlying documentations supporting the opinions. Maybe he did, maybe he didn't. The other thing I don't know is how much of the intelligence decisions Mr. Holder had with respect to the threat that existed at the time these opinions were offered, and the opinions of the intelligence officials about their belief in a particular detainee having very important, valuable intelligence information that might save American lives. And so, I don't know what Mr. Holder did or didn't know in making that statement. And I think that one needs to be careful in making a blanket pronouncement like that, if you don't have all the information, because of the affect it may have, again, on the moral and the dedication of intelligence officials and lawyers throughout the administration.
MS. MARTIN: Are you worried that officers, persons who participated in these practices, may be now prosecuted?
MR. GONZALES: I don't think that there's going to be prosecution, quite frankly. Because again, these activities for the most part, based on what I know, and obviously there are going to be some actions and activities that I'm not aware of. But in terms of what people really focused on: they were authorized, they were known at the highest levels, they were supported by legal opinions at the Department of Justice. And so, based upon those facts, I think it would be difficult, again I can't pre-judge it and Mr. Holder if he is confirmed will have to make a decision whether to move forward with a prosecution. But under those circumstances, I find it hard to believe.
None the less, the very discussion about it is extremely discouraging. And I have talked to officials, senior officials at the CIA for example, who tell me that agents at the CIA no longer have any interest at doing anything remotely controversial, for fear that they are going to be investigated, and they're going to have to go out and hire lawyers in order to do their job. And so it has a very discouraging effect. And the net result of all of that is that people will not be doing what they need to be doing to gain intelligence that will help us connect the dots and protect our country from another attack.
MS. MARTIN: I think what Mr. Holder and those who agree with his position are saying, though, is that it wasn't worth it - that these practices did not yield important information and that, in fact, even if they did, that they damaged America's standing abroad to such a degree that it wasn't worth it. What do you say to that?
MR. GONZALES: Well, I think as a lawyer, we need to be careful in saying that it didn't produce valuable intelligence, because my recollection is that the intelligence officials gave a contradictory testimony - or have made contradictory statements. They come to the lawyers - intelligence officials come to lawyers - and say we lack this information. In order to get this information, this is what we believe we need to do. As lawyers, we don't say, at that point, well, no, we disagree with you; you can get that information a different way. That's not our job.
Our job as lawyers is to say, okay, we will tell you whether or not this can be done lawfully. And so if the intelligence officials are saying that the information gathered helped protect America, I think we need to take - we need to believe them as opposed to believing the lawyers who say, oh, I don't think that's going to be as effective.
MS. MARTIN: Well, but civilian control of both the military and these questions, as I said, a well-established core value of the United States, and one of our - one of the arguments of the critics - is that this - that civilians such as yourself, officers of the government, have a duty to set a bright line, and this is so violative (sic) of the values of the American people that on that basis, it's not worth it. What do you say to that?
MR. GONZALES: Well, you know, when people talk about values, I don't know whether or not we're talking about my values or your values - whose values are we talking about? The values of the American people are typically incorporated and reflected in the laws passed by Congress and in our Constitution. And that's where our values are easily - can be easily seen and can be easily interpreted and understood and so, so long as the actions are consistent with our laws and consistent with our Constitution, I think you can make a very strong argument that the actions taken are consistent with our values.
MS. MARTIN: Are you at all concerned that you will be prosecuted for your role in defending setting policies around these techniques?
MR. GONZALES: No. I'm not - listen, I think only a fool wouldn't be worried about a prosecution motivated for political reasons, or - I mean, Washington can be a very difficult town and a mean-spirited town. But I think if you look at the evidence, if people tell the truth, I don't see a criminal prosecution for me, nor for anyone that I'm aware of, because again, based on what I have observed, people acted in good faith. They didn't act for political considerations; they didn't act for personal considerations; they acted in the best interests of the United States as they saw it.
MS. MARTIN: Final question on this point, though, that your successors and the Obama administration are saying that they don't believe that these techniques are necessary to keep America safe. Any regrets on your part?
MR. GONZALES: Again, I question whether or not it's their role to make that kind of judgment. I think that the intelligence officials are professionals; it's their judgment to decide whether or not these kinds of - any technique, any technique in the war on terror, whether it be Guantanamo, whether it be interrogation, whether it be in surveillance - it's the role, the responsibility, of the intelligence officials to say this is something we need to protect America and for the lawyers to say, well, that can lawfully be done - that cannot lawfully be done.
Now, as a Cabinet official, clearly the attorney general also has a role of providing his own policy advice to the president of the United States. And we do that. And it's my responsibility to tell the president, Mr. President, I think this is lawful but nonetheless, Mr. President, you need to consider the political ramifications, the ramifications overseas with our allies - so these are things that are perfectly legitimate for a cabinet official to tell the president of the United States.
MS. MARTIN: And final point on this, and you may or may not agree with this assessment, but some who've written about this have suggested that there's no daylight, really, between you, Attorney General Ashcroft, your successor Michael Mukasey on this question, and yet, you are the one who seems to be singled out for particular criticism around these techniques. I wonder if you agree with that assessment, and if so, why do you think that is?
MR. GONZALES: Well, based on my observation - and again, I don't know what - you never know what you don't know - but it appears to me that the policies that I supported and the opinions that I stood behind are very consistent with General Ashcroft and General Mukasey. I think critics have singled me out above the others, probably because of my -
MS. MARTIN: You do think so.
MR. GONZALES: - probably because of my relationship with the president. And I think that that's the reason why that people choose to single me out as opposed to focusing on General Ashcroft and General Mukasey.
MS. MARTIN: And you think that's unfair?
MR. GONZALES: Listen, there are lots of things that are unfair about life - lots of things unfair about what happens here in Washington. And we all know that when we come into these positions. Things are going to be unfair. And you have to accept that. I just hope that people, over the passage of time, look at this thing dispassionately and see that, in fact, the positions taken by me and embraced by me were very consistent overall, throughout the term of the Bush administration, beginning with General Ashcroft and now ending with General Mukasey.
MS. MARTIN: If you're just joining us, you're listening to "Tell Me More" from NPR news. I'm Michel Martin and I'm speaking with former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. It strikes me that the other thing at the heart of the criticism of you is that, as attorney general - I think the harshest criticism of you is that you undermined confidence in the rule of law by causing or allowing the department to become politicized by the way you managed the firing of the eight U.S. attorneys and by the way you managed the hiring of career prosecutors. What do you say to that?
MR. GONZALES: I categorically reject that. I think people that know me - they laugh when they hear the fact that I have somehow politicized anything. I'm not, by nature, a very political animal, quite frankly. I care about the reputation of the Department of Justice to dispense justice equally, fairly, even-handedly. I care very much about the work the career employees at the Department of Justice - the department is great not because of the 400 political appointees, but because of the over 100,000 career employees who go to work every day to serve our country. And so I care very much about those individuals.
I deeply regret some of the decisions made by my staff in making hiring decisions. Those decisions were made without my knowledge - certain questions asked - political questions asked of employees should not have been asked. I condemn it. I wish I - I wish someone had told me that this was going on, because I would have done something to stop it and people would have lost their jobs if I had known about it. And so it's very, very unfortunate. I think I regret anything that would, in any way, diminish the reputation of the Department of Justice in the minds of the American people.
The good thing that I will say about what happened - I want to - should be reassuring the American people - is that, while there may have been personnel decisions that were politicized, I'm not aware of any evidence that the substantive work of the department was in any way politicized. We have these rules against politicization in hiring decision in place so that we don't have political considerations creep into substantive decisions at the Department of Justice. So the good news is that, from what I can tell, from what I know, the work of the department continued as the American people deserved to have it continued.
MS. MARTIN: You said you didn't know that this was going on; this was precisely the thing that the inspector general criticized you for in a report about this. There are four inspector generals' reports that have been issued around your tenure, and some are more critical of you than others. But the one that was released in September of 2008, which was about the firing of the U.S. attorneys says, quote:
"We concluded that the process the department used to select the U.S. attorneys for removal was fundamentally flawed and the oversight and the removal process by the department's most senior leaders was seriously lacking. In particular, we found that Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and deputy attorney general Paul McNulty failed to adequately supervise the U.S. attorney selection and removal process. They were remarkably unengaged."
And the report goes on to say that the statements that you and he provided about the reasons for the removal were inconsistent, misleading and inaccurate in many ways. What do you say to that?
MR. GONZALES: I think the report was very disappointing to me for a number of reasons. You had an investigation that took over a year to complete. Now the report was hundreds of pages long and there really was nothing new in the report. In fact, a year before the report came out, in testimony before Congress, I testified yes, that the review process had been severely lacking and that I wished I could have done things differently and I outlined a series of steps that, in hindsight, I wish I had done differently. And so no question about it; I should have been more engaged in that process.
MS. MARTIN: Why weren't you?
MR. GONZALES: Well, let me just say that I felt that I had identified an individual - my chief of staff - to sort of shepherd the review process. And I made it clear to him that I expected him to consult with the senior leadership of the department - people like Paul McNulty who had been a former United States attorney who knew well these individuals - the work of these individuals. And if Paul McNulty makes a recommendation to me - if a recommendation includes his views - I would feel quite comfortable that, in fact, those would be good recommendations coming to me about the qualifications or the work of a particular United States attorney.
But in hindsight, yes, I should have been more engaged and more involved. I will say, however, in terms of - in response to charges that this process was politicized, if you read carefully the report, I think you will see that the report does identify that there were other - there were reasons why, I think, at least six of the eight were removed - performance-related reasons. And the report was inconclusive with respect to the U.S. attorney from New Mexico. But at the end of the day, I think if you look at the report, it does confirm that these individuals were removed for performance-related reasons and not for political reasons.
MS. MARTIN: Well, the law is clear; I mean, you have the authority to remove any of these people. People will recall that Web Hubbell, when he became, I think, interim attorney general in the Clinton administration, removed all 93 U.S. attorneys at once. However, there are those who say that your goal here was abusive, that it was - that it maligned these individuals unfairly. In fact, I want to play you a short clip of David Iglesias, who was the U.S. attorney in New Mexico who was speaking to my colleague Terry Gross about this. And here's what he said:
(Begin audio clip.)
DAVID IGLESIAS: Well, Karl Rove had this idea that it'd be possible to actually create a permanent Republican majority in Congress on both sides of the House and I guess even into the White House - to have a monopoly over two of the three branches of government. And I think Rove is the first person who was able to figure out that you could use the Justice Department in a partisan way to affect the outcome of elections using the awesome power of federal indictment.
And what he failed to understand - or refused to understand, is the Justice Department is one agency that had a long history of staying above partisan matters, that it was the watchdog, it was the agency that provided legal advice to the president about what he could or could not do. And there was the attempt, which began, but I'm glad to say I don't think was successful, but there was the attempt to politicize the Justice Department at the highest levels and throughout the country, because most of the Justice Department is comprised of United States attorneys out in the districts. We have a lot more federal prosecutors out in the 50 states than work in Washington, D.C.
(End audio clip.)
MS. MARTIN: Now, I'm sure you're going to want to respond to this. We only have about a minute left before we need to take a break, but how do you respond to that? Had you ever heard that before from him?
MR. GONZALES: I've seen no evidence that Karl Rove or anyone at the White House intended to use the United States attorneys to politicize the work of the Department of Justice. I wouldn't have accepted it.
MS. MARTIN: Did Senator Domenici's criticisms of David Iglesias play any role in his being removed?
MR. GONZALES: Yes, but we get criticism all the time from senators on both sides of the aisle - from members of Congress from both sides of the aisle about the work of U.S. attorneys. They're involved in making recommendations about who we hire; they're also involved in giving their input about who should be fired as U.S. attorneys.
MS. MARTIN: We need to take a short break but when we come back we will have a few more minutes with former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. Please stay with us, I'm Michel Martin and you're listening to "Tell Me More" with NPR News.
MICHEL MARTIN: I'm Michel Martin and this "Tell Me More" from NPR News. We have more of our exclusive newsmaker-interview with former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales plus a final word from me; it's my "Can I Just Tell You" commentary and we'll have that in just a few minutes. But first we're continuing with former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, here with me in this studio.
One of the things that I'm curious about is that you have been criticized from both the left and the right: There are people who complained about your policies - those policies you participated in as White House counsel - we just talked about your tenure as attorney general - but when your name was floated as a potential Supreme Court nominee - you would have been the first person of Hispanic heritage to hold that post, as you were the first person of Hispanic heritage to have a top-level cabinet post - you were very much - there was a lot of consternation on the part of conservatives. Why was that?
ALBERTO GONZALES: Why was there consternation by conservatives?
MS. MARTIN: Yeah, on the part of conservatives.
MR. GONZALES: Well, you'd probably be better served by asking them, but I think that there was concerns about my views on abortion; I think there were concerns about my views on affirmative action. I think some conservatives believe that I was instrumental in steering President Bush to take a more middle-of-the-road approach in the Michigan affirmative action cases, which angered, I think, some conservatives.
MS. MARTIN: Is that true?
MR. GONZALES: Well, at the appropriate time I'll talk a little bit more about that. I supported where the president came out at the end of the day on those cases. But I think for those reasons, it's my understanding that conservatives were very, very - they were concerned about me and I think they felt that this was important enough that President Bush should focus on someone who they felt was reliably conservative.
MS. MARTIN: How big of a disappointment was it for you when the president eventually nominated Harriet Meyers and not you?
MR. GONZALES: Well, it wasn't a question about me versus her, it was a question of choosing the best person, I think, for the president. He, I think - and again, I'm just speculating here - I think it was important for him to try to find a woman to replace Sandra Day O'Connor on the Supreme Court and Harriet Meyers - the president had someone that he had known for many, many years, felt comfortable with and knew that she was a very talented lawyer. And so I'm disappointed at the way that she was treated, quite frankly - the lack of support that existed with respect to her nomination, but that's the way things are in Washington sometimes, I guess.
MS. MARTIN: Speaking of your status of the first person of Latino heritage to hold some of these roles: Was that important to you when you became White House counsel, when you became Attorney General? Were you conscious of being the first?
MR. GONZALES: I knew that for some portion of the American population it would be very significant, that there would be a great deal of pride that someone named Gonzales was walking the halls of the West Wing and that someone named Gonzales was the attorney general of the United States - the chief law enforcement officer of the country. And so, whether you like it or not, in these kinds of positions you are viewed as a role model and I take that very seriously, quite frankly.
I think it is important for children in the minority community - African-Americans and the Hispanic community - to that it is possible in this great country of ours to do remarkable things, that if you prepare yourself and you're ready when the opportunity comes along to take advantage of that opportunity, then anything's possible.
MS. MARTIN: Forgive me though, that is one reason why it is particularly disappointing for those who believe you did allow the department's hiring practices to be infected by political considerations, because they say that minorities have looked to the Justice Department as the backstop to that kind of behavior - as the place that stands with the people who have the least power in upholding the rule of law.
MR. GONZALES: And I agree that it is important for the Department of Justice to exercise that role and to continue to exercising that role; it's important for the American people to have confidence that the department stands for that proposition. And so the notion that I would permit or allow this kind of activity knowingly is ridiculous. If I'd known about it, it wouldn't have happened.
MS. MARTIN: Do you have advice for Eric Holder, who will also be a first should he be confirmed as attorney general in the Obama administration? Do you have any advice for him?
MR. GONZALES: I'm a little reluctant to give Mr. Holder advice, given the fact that he's been a United States attorney - he's been the deputy attorney general. The deputy attorney general - people don't understand - really is the chief operating officer of the department. He is there meeting with the assistant attorney generals of the civil division, criminal division, anti-trust and tax - meets with them regularly.
And so he knows better than most with respect to what goes on in the department and how the department operates. I think that Eric will have the benefit of having seen what's happened in the past eight years. He'll have the luxury of hindsight and, listen, mistakes get made in every administration during the tenure of every attorney general because you have to deal with some very controversial issues. And hopefully you evaluate those experiences and you learn from those experiences and you make good - better decisions going forward.
MS. MARTIN: Where do you think things went wrong for you when you came to Washington in terms of your tenure in Washington. I get the impression that there is - "bittersweetness" is the word that you used at the beginning of our conversation - about your tenure here?
MR. GONZALES: Well, listen, I'm not sure how productive it is to lament about where things went wrong, quite frankly. Maybe it was inevitable that when you have controversial decisions made during a historic period of time in our nation's history, some people are not going to be happy with some of those decisions. People will not be happy or appreciate your role in how those decisions get made. And so, sometimes people identify someone to target and I think that's what's happened here with respect to me. And I'm not complaining. Listen, I'm not whining about it. It comes with the job. It is a privilege to serve as counsel to the president and to serve as the attorney general of the United States. Those are big jobs and, you know what? Sometimes with big jobs come big hits. And you accept that.
I take comfort from knowing that I did the very best that I could and played a small part in helping the president protect our country in these past eight years. At the end of the day, sure, I would have done some things differently.
MS. MARTIN: Like what?
MR. GONZALES: But I take a great deal of pride in the work that we did. And, you know, you asked me what. Listen, it would be great - wouldn't it be great if we could all be perfect, if we all, in hindsight, could reduce mistakes that we've made. But life doesn't work that way. And so I focus on moving forward, what lies ahead and trying to be helpful to make our country even better than before.
MS. MARTIN: One more thing, though. You did - in a conversation with the Wall Street Journal, which is one of the few conversations, one of the few conversations with reporters that you've had since you left the post, that you said you thought you were one of the casualties of 9/11. How so?
MR. GONZALES: Well, when I said that, I meant that, again, in these kinds of positions, you're going to be involved in decisions that sometimes get politicized. And, to the extent that I got caught in the crossfire of those kinds of political disagreements over national security issues, law-enforcement issues, I think that that's a little bit unfair.
I didn't mean to say that, by that, that I was a casualty in terms of like someone who fought overseas and died for our country. All I meant was that in these difficult times, when you're having to make difficult decisions, sometimes those can be controversial.
MS. MARTIN: What are you up to now? It's been reported that you're at loose ends somewhat professionally, which is very surprising to many people given that you were a graduate of Harvard Law School, you're a veteran of the United States Air Force, you were on the Texas Supreme Court, you were White House counsel, you were attorney general of the United States, you were on the short list for the Supreme Court, you were a partner at Vinson & Elkins, a major Texas law firm.
It seems customary for somebody with that resume to have your choice of jobs in the legal world. But that doesn't seem to be the case here.
MR. GONZALES: I think that, listen, there have been investigations, as we've talked about earlier, that have proceeded and most are now complete. I think that's made a difference, quite frankly, in the eyes of some. They want to make sure that those come out the way that I believe they should come out, which is that - nothing wrong here and there will be no prosecution.
These are tough economic times.
MS. MARTIN: But the U.S. attorney did - the inspector general did recommend that there be a further investigation and the case involving U.S. attorneys has been referred to the U.S. attorney in Connecticut.
MR. GONZALES: Yes, the reason for that is - my understanding is - is because the inspector general could not investigate the White House and could not investigate Senator Domenici. But there was no finding of wrongdoing by me, and there will be no finding of wrongdoing by me at the White House or as Senator Domenici's office; I'm quite confident of that. But at the end of the day, listen, these things have to play themselves out and I think with the passage of time, I think the opportunities that should be afforded to someone with my experiences and my successes, I think, will present themselves. I'm confident of that.
MS. MARTIN: What do you make of your experience? I'd like to know if you were in a position to offer advice to someone who's just starting out who's interested in public service, perhaps a younger you, what would you say? Is there a cautionary tale? Is there a story around your story?
MR. GONZALES: I would say, first of all, stepping into the arena of public service, it's extremely important. Our country is great because during extraordinary times, ordinary people have stepped into the arena of public service to serve, and we need that to continue. I think it's important that you step into the arena with your eyes open, otherwise you're going to get battered. And I think it can be tough. And sometimes, it can be unfair. But that should not discourage good people from stepping into the arena. People are going to try to define you in a way - the media and critics will try to define you in a way that serves their purposes, but I would remind people that they can't make it so - they can't make and untruth truthful - even if they repeat it over and over and over again.
And then finally, you need to understand that mistakes are going to happen. And the thing you need to do is to identify when those mistakes happen. Hopefully, you have the opportunity to correct them. You learn from them, and it makes you a better decision maker in the future. Those are the lessons that I would say - I think particularly in the minority community, we need leadership desperately. In the Hispanic community and the African-American community, we desperately need leadership, and one of the best ways to develop those skills is in the arena of public service.
MS. MARTIN: If I could press you again once more in just the minute or so we have left on what are you doing now? You only deferred one question I asked you, and that was about your feelings about Harriet Myers, and you said you'll talk about that at some later time. Are you writing a book? Are you planning to tell more of your story?
MR. GONZALES: I am in the process of writing a book. I think it's important to tell the story. I have a perspective of what happened here, and others do as well, of course. But if I don't tell the story, then who will? And so it's important for me that people understand what happened in the White House, my experiences, what I saw in the White House and in the Department of Justice. I'm also currently giving speeches; I'm doing some mediation and arbitration. And that's what I'm focused on right now. We hope, in the near future, to get back to Texas - my family and I - that is our home, and we hope to get back home soon.
MS. MARTIN: And finally, if there's one thing you would like people to draw from our conversation today, is there one thing you would like people to know about you that, perhaps, they did not? What might that be?
MR. GONZALES: Well, I don't know what they do or don't know about me, but I can - I want to reassure the American people that I came into these positions with one intent, which was to serve our country, to work as hard as I could, which I did work as I hard as I could, to serve our country, to make our country better, to make our country safer, to make our communities better and provide more opportunities for our children.
MS. MARTIN: Alberto Gonzales is the former attorney general of the United States. He served in that post from 2005 to 2007. Before he went to the Justice Department, Mr. Gonzales was also White House counsel to George W. Bush beginning in 2001. He was kind enough to join us here in our Washington, D.C., studios. Mr. Gonzales, thank you so much for your time.
MR. GONZALES: Pleasure to be here.









Comments
Maybe the people who should be worried about prosecution should have thought of that before they broke the law.
Posted by: Cheryl | January 26, 2009 1:39 PM
Don’t be so modest, Gonzo.
You played a HUUUUUGE part in dismantling the protections for civil rights that were set up in our Constitution.
Of course, since those rights date back to the Magna Carta, they probably seemed to you like quaint, “Pre-9/11 Thinking”, right?
The Perjury and Prosecution Police will be knocking on your door soon, Gonzo.
Posted by: Big Orange Satan | January 26, 2009 2:06 PM
"Is waterboarding torture?" is not a trick question. The answer is either yes or no. The United States prosecuted Japenese war criminals who did it to our servicemen in WWII. John McCain said it's torture. The answer is not preconditioned on whom it is being done to. If you want that "ticking time bomb" option, codify it in law.
Posted by: Doug Zook | January 26, 2009 2:09 PM
He wont prosecute, and he'll look like a typical Washington fool who says one thing yet does another. Obama already indicated he has no appetite for this. Stay tuned to see how Holder explains how he can believe waterboarding to be illegal, he has actual knowledge of it occurring, he will be the AG, yet he wont prosecute. My guess is he’ll follow the steps of Harry Reid when he spews rhetoric (e.g. no FISA, no war funding, no Burris seating, etc.) then does a complete 180 - just pretend nothing happened and hope your constituents are too dumb to compare your rhetoric to your actions.
Posted by: Herbie H. | January 26, 2009 2:18 PM
CONVENTION AGAINST TORTURE and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (signed by the U.S. under Ronald Reagan) which is Constitutionally the law of the land says:
“Article 2
1. Each State Party shall take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts of torture in any territory under its jurisdiction.
2. No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat or war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification of torture.
3. An order from a superior officer or a public authority may not be invoked as a justification of torture. . . .”
So, there is no need for Attorney General-Designate Holder to know the circumstances that water-boarding was used by agents of the United States. It is either torture or it is not, and throughout history, it has been regarded as torture.
Mr. Gonzales is relying on “the ends justifies the means”, without regard for U.S. and international law, and without regard for human decency.
Posted by: Hank Gillette | January 26, 2009 2:47 PM
just pretend nothing happened and hope your constituents are too dumb to compare your rhetoric to your actions.
Posted by: Herbie H. | January 26, 2009 2:18 PM
Is that why Repuglicans John "Box Turtle" Cornyn and Snarlin' Arlen Specter are on their hands and knee's everyday begging Eric Holder to tell them that he won't prosecute the BushCo war criminals?
Posted by: iceberslim | January 26, 2009 3:04 PM
Hank, I think it's torture too, but no statute or treaty specifically defines/outlaws waterboarding, and no court that has binding precedent on US Courts has declared it so. Worse, the Military Conventions Act of 2006 gives the President the discretion to interpret the provisions of the Geneva Conventions - put another way, broad discretion is given to the POTUS to determine for the US what amounts to torture and what doesn't. Guess what Bush decided on waterboarding? The point is that with this huge amount of discretion given to him by Congress, it is highly unlikely Bush or anyone under him could be prosecuted for using waterboarding.
iceberslim, I have no idea. I think Obama will make the call, and he has already indicated (as clearly as his vagueness gets) that he has no interest in investigating/prosecuting Bush et al. I think your dreams of seeing Dick Cheney in handcuffs will go unfulfilled.
Posted by: Herbie H. | January 26, 2009 3:31 PM
If the government of the United States does not bright the persons that designed, participated and turned a blind eye to this terrible human rights infraction should be tried here on US soil. If Obama does not have the guts to bring them to justice the world court will bring Mr. Dic Cheney, Mr G. W. Bush and their gang to justice and that will certainly harm what is left of our good name. What a spectacle if they most be tried on international law for human violations and there seem to be many. Lets not forget that Vincent Bugliosi has set the case out very beautifully in his book the " The Prosecution Of George W. Bush For Murder
Posted by: Dal | January 26, 2009 5:00 PM
Herbie,
Sorry, but look up the case of a sheriff and his deputies in Texas who WERE prosecuted AND the sheriff was convicted of waterboarding a person they had captured.
Additionally, once ratified, a treaty is the same a US law. Various treaties have stated that waterboarding IS torture.
Posted by: W OBrien | January 26, 2009 5:08 PM
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Posted by: W OBrien | January 26, 2009 5:08 PM
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I don’t think either Herbie or anyone else here doubts that waterboarding can be torture. Nor do I think that anyone doubts that it is torture 99.99% of the time. The rare times is isn’t torture is probably when it is used on a willing victim for training purposes, or to satisfy someone’s masochistic desire for pain and suffering.
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What Herbie pointed out is that the torture statute does not specify that waterboarding is per se torture. [An act would be per se torture if every occurrence matched the definition of torture regardless of any difference in the facts of the case.] The federal anti-torture statute mentions no particular torture technique by name. What it does, instead, is define torture as an act undertaken with the intent to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering. Hence, however unlikely, it is at least theoretically possible for waterboarding to occur without constituting torture if that intent is missing for any reason, or if is done in a manner calculated to minimize its terror or pain causing results.
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You mentioned some treaty that says waterboarding is torture. I would be interested in finding out about that because I am unaware of any such treaty to which the U.S. is a signatory. The U.N. Convention Against Torture, from which our current anti-torture statute is derived, doesn’t make waterboarding per se torture.
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Finally, the fact that a sheriff and his deputies were convicted of torture for waterboarding is hardly surprising. Yet it doesn’t make waterboarding per se torture. The underlying facts of the case likely made it abundantly clear to the trier of fact that the defendants intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering. A different jury with a very different set of facts can theoretically come to a different conclusion (again, regardless of how unlikely that is). Besides, a trial verdict is not binding legal precedent. Only decisions of appellate tribunals have that distinction. That’s what Herbie mean when he said that “no court that has binding precedent on US Courts has declared” that waterboarding is outlawed.
Posted by: John W. | January 26, 2009 6:40 PM
Since Obama authorized a drone missile attack in Pakistan recently that "murdered" innocents, are you lefties now referring to Obama as a war criminal? Or did he sign an executive order exempting the presidency? Now that he controls Gimo he is also responsible for these illegal detentions, guess that is another criminal charge. Where is the outrage?
Posted by: Bubba Porter | January 26, 2009 6:59 PM
It's clear the Obama administration is choosing the terrorists over the safety and security of the American people. If The Messiah and his administration continue to follow this path, it will eventually mean the end of his administration quicker than he'd like. And the majority of Americans have no appetite for Congressional circuses and carnivals against the Bush administration. But if the Left wants to pursue this course, then go ahead. It will just hasten Republican gains in 2010 and 2012.
Posted by: John D | January 26, 2009 7:09 PM
Prosecuting torture 'Hard to believe.'
Spoken like a true torture supporter.
Posted by: C.Morris✈ | January 26, 2009 7:53 PM
Now who's the postmodern relativist? What part of "waterboarding is torture" does Gonzalez not understand? You don't special evidence to think so. You don't need to consider the poor delicate feelings of the torturers.
To compare Gonzalez and the other war criminals to Obama's drone in Pakistan (see the post by Bubba Porter) is yet another example of moral relativism.
Posted by: Tim Morton | January 26, 2009 9:12 PM
..
Besides, a trial verdict is not binding legal precedent. Only decisions of appellate tribunals have that distinction. That’s what Herbie mean when he said that “no court that has binding precedent on US Courts has declared” that waterboarding is outlawed.
Posted by: John W. | January 26, 2009 6:40 PM
...
Mr Last Word Blowhard,
We prosecuted and convicted Japanese soldiers who warterboarded our troops in WWll. Waterboarding is also considered a war crime in the eyes of the international community. There is no such thing as "sometimes it isn't torture". It is torture, period, end of story and if we do the right thing we will prosecute the BushCo war criminals who you are always trying to defend with your cereal box top law "knowledge".
Posted by: ralph | January 26, 2009 9:24 PM
W. O'Brien,
Interesting Texas case. I found the cite to the appellate court decision (744 F.2d 1144 5th Cir.). Unfortunately the appellate court didn't address the question of whether waterboarding is torture. Rather, the only basis of appeal was procedural, as to whether the trials should have been bifurcated, etc. The district court opinion is what would be interesting, but I can't find it so I'm assuming it is unpublished, and therefore, has no precedential value. I don't think this is the slam dunk you were looking for, because even if the court did state that waterboarding is per se torture (which it didn't), you get into issues of it being binding only in that circuit, different legal standard, unique situations involving national security, etc., but it still is an interesting situation. It was a federal appellate court, and one could argue the court does seem to accept as fact that torture occurred, although that issue was not before it.
What treaty is the US a signatory to that specifically defines waterboarding?
Posted by: Herbie H. | January 26, 2009 9:30 PM
Posted by john d.:
"It's clear the Obama administration is choosing the terrorists over the safety and security of the American people. If The Messiah and his administration continue to follow this path, it will eventually mean the end of his administration quicker than he'd like. And the majority of Americans have no appetite for Congressional circuses and carnivals against the Bush administration. But if the Left wants to pursue this course, then go ahead. It will just hasten Republican gains in 2010 and 2012.
Posted by: John D | January 26, 2009 7:09 PM
I would like to say, what republican gains? The republican party has revealed that it is a party regionalized in the Southeast and a party of repugnant racists and troglydytes. Sheesh!
Posted by: stevieod | January 26, 2009 9:32 PM
I wonder if these Bush Administration officials will ever take a vacation, or have a speaking engagement, outside the U.S. without fear of apprehension by a foreign government and placed on trial for War Crimes?
Posted by: Dennis Coalwell | January 26, 2009 9:38 PM
People are just waking up to what Gonzales did in enabling all that torture, illegal wiretapping and politicization of the Justice Department. Putting aside he was the worst AG ever, by far, he violated a whole bunch of serious criminal laws. Wouldn't Mr. Gonzales love to keep things muddled up. Lawbreaking is oh so complicated when you get caught.
Posted by: Anon | January 26, 2009 9:56 PM
It's clear the Obama administration is choosing the terrorists over the safety and security of the American people. If The Messiah and his administration continue to follow this path, it will eventually mean the end of his administration quicker than he'd like. And the majority of Americans have no appetite for Congressional circuses and carnivals against the Bush administration
Posted by: John D | January 26, 2009 7:09 PM
"Circuses and carnivals"? You mean like when the Repugs impeached Clinton for the Monica he got?
Sorry Little Johnny Drooler,
The war crimes that your heroes in the Bush crime family committed in my country names would not be a partisan witch hunt like your teams was against Clinton.
The only one's who aren't for prosecuteing the Bush war criminals are the very small number of Republican clowns who were just overwelming voted into the minority the last two elections.
Why don't you make yourself useful, Little Johnny. Go out and chase some parked cars.
Posted by: Pubba Borter | January 26, 2009 10:02 PM
Bubba Porter, collateral damage has never been grounds for war crimes prosecutions. Even though it should be.
Or maybe you think that the entire Bush administration and the entire US military should be jailed for life for aiding and abetting war crimes... surely not.
Posted by: worg | January 26, 2009 10:13 PM
I'd love to see Gonzo and Cheney before a war crimes tribunal. They've dragged U.S. foreign policy through the mud!
Posted by: Nick | January 26, 2009 11:01 PM
Attempts at revision do not make something true, nor does wishful thinking or delusional desperate justifications.
Gonzalez must be held responsible for the illegalities and disgrace he has cost his office, his Latin ancestry and this nation.
It is evident he was always one of the many spinners, liars, & accomplices of the legacy of the Bush administration's crimes.
Posted by: Anthony Look | January 27, 2009 12:00 AM
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Posted by: ralph | January 26, 2009 9:24 PM
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I will reply to your post line by line as follows:
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1. “Mr Last Word Blowhard,”
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Grow up. Name calling is neither an argument nor a substitute for reasoning. If you wish to prove me wrong about the content of the law concerning torture, go look at Title 18 U.S.C. § 2340. It is the federal statute that defines torture. You can find it online at: http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/html/uscode18/usc_sec_18_00002340----000-.html
After you read it, come back and report what part of it makes waterboarding “torture” per se - i.e. without exception. Be sure to look at the intent element of the statute found in subdivision (1). You will find, much to your horror, that it never mentions waterboarding. The lack of a categorical denunciation, by itself, means that the statute must be applied to cases of waterboarding only on a case-by-case basis where the facts show waterboarding was used with the intent to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering. In the rare and unlikely case that waterboarding was (or is) not done with that specific intent, or under circumstances that makes it unlikely to have been done with the requisite intent, it won’t be torture.
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It is not my intent to defend anyone’s right to torture or waterboard. It wouldn’t pick my pocket or break my leg for someone in the Bush administration to get prosecuted for waterboarding. They are not my heroes. I think they ruined the Republican Party for some time to come.
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I was merely pointing out what the law currently says. If you don’t like the fact that the law engages in niceties that are too subtle for your taste, that’s too bad. If you want to change the law, write your Congressman or Senators.
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2. “We prosecuted and convicted Japanese soldiers who waterboarded our troops in WWll.”
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This is very likely true. As a matter of fact I recall there were a number of war crimes prosecutions against Japanese soldiers for waterboarding and torturing other peoples as well. Chances are, the convictions arose in circumstances where the Japanese used waterboarding to inflict extreme physical or mental pain or suffering. For a people who made sport of beheading innocent civilians in China, waterboarding would have been dawdling. That still doesn’t set “precedent” (i.e. the decision of a higher court that controls lower courts or influences the decisions of other courts) other than in an historical sense. In any event, cruel mistreatment of prisoners and civilians is a war crime even if it doesn’t fit the definition of torture.
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3. “Waterboarding is also considered a war crime in the eyes of the international community.”
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That’s very likely true too. So is murderering innocent civilians and treating prisoners of war in a cruel and dehumanizing manner. The fact that it is a war crime doesn’t make it invariably torture. It just makes it a war crime. Waterboarding could also violate those laws and treaties dealing with dehumanizing treatment of prisoners - because the conduct proscribed by those agreements can be dehumanizing before it constitutes torture. However, the only international treaty dealing with torture of which the U.S. is a signatory is the Compact Against Torture. The CAT doesn’t specify that waterboarding is torture either.
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4. “There is no such thing as "sometimes it isn't torture". It is torture, period, end of story and if we do the right thing we will prosecute the BushCo war criminals who you are always trying to defend with your cereal box top law "knowledge".”
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You’re just stuck on stubborn. Crimes have elements. As I said before, there is a theoretical possibility that waterboarding could be undertaken in such a controlled manner that it is coercive without being done with the intent to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering - even if it is unlikely. It is unlikely that it would ever happen that way, because it would be of questionable efficacy in extracting information. See my response to Number 1, above.
Posted by: John W. | January 27, 2009 2:59 AM
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Posted by: Herbie H. | January 26, 2009 9:30 PM
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Hi Herbie,
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Do you think you could re-check your cite to that Fifth District case? I wanted to read it. The online Federal Reporter doesn’t have any case with that volume and page number, and the cases on either side of that number didn’t involve criminal prosecutions. Otherwise, I could probably find it if you can give me the name. Thanx.
Posted by: John W. | January 27, 2009 3:05 AM
Posted by: stevieod | January 26, 2009 9:32 PM
Posted by: Pubba Borter | January 26, 2009 10:02 PM
Guys, guys, guys -- CHILL!
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D. is in love with his own pronouncements and the belief that he's innately superior to liberals just because he's NOT a liberal. You need to translate.
"It's clear" = "It's clear TO ME." "The majority of Americans" = "me."
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Unfortunately, I have NO idea what "it will eventually mean the end of his administration quicker than he'd like" is supposed to mean -- "eventually" and "quicker" don't belong together, and "quicker than he'd like" doesn't mean ANYTHING, really -- Obama's administration ends in 4 years unless he gets re-elected. If that's quicker than he'd like, it's irrelevant. Anything quicker than that either means he'd have been impeached (those same Congressional circuses and carnivals that "the majority of Americans" have no appetite for) or that he'd die in office (and for that you'd have to ask John D. to provide details). There's no other logical possibility.
Posted by: Op109 | January 27, 2009 8:02 AM
wrong, that is my point. Where do the lefties draw the line? It appears selective and against only those despised by the left.
Posted by: Bubba Porter | January 27, 2009 8:23 AM
The Constitution is explicit and clear: any treaties to which the USA is a signatory is the SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND. Period. We are not only signatories to the Geneva Accords, we are also signatories to the Conventions Against Torture, Abuse, and Inhumane Treatment. That treaty is the supreme law of the land. No question, no argument. It also spells out quite clearly what must be done in cases of violations or even suspected violations: investigations and prosecutions as appropriate.
The nice thing about the Conventions Against Torture is that it applies globally to ALL prisoners or "detainees" irrespective of where, why, or how they were acquired. There is no out for suspected "terrorists". There is no out for "illegal combatants". It is universal in its sweep. Now, as for waterboarding: it was torture when the Inquisition used it. It was torture when some Japanese soldiers used it against prisoners in WWII (and they were tried, convicted, and executed by the USA for it). It was clearly recognized as torture when it was used by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. It was considered torture by the US military/government during the Vietnam war when a US soldier was convicted in a Courts Martial for waterboarding a Vietnamese prisoner. It is torture. Full stop. It's use, even once, REQUIRES investigation and prosecution: of those that ordered/OK'd it (good by Abu Gonzales, Rumsfeld, Bush, Cheney...at the very least) and those that actually did it. If this means that poor little criminals in the CIA wont be willing to do "controversial" things in the future, GOOD. "Controversial" is code word for "illegal" and "immoral" and "unethical". Investigate and prosecute EVERYONE involved, top to bottom. Oh, and all the other "enhanced interrogation techniques"? Clearly illegal too according to the Supreme Law of the Land, the Conventions Against Torture, Abuse, and Inhumane Treatment. End of story.
Posted by: Praedor Atrebates | January 27, 2009 8:49 AM
John, my fault. The correct cite is US v. Lee, 744 F.2d 1124 (5th Cir. 1984). Not really much to the opinion. My guess is the federal district judge just entered a minute order on the jury's verdict, with no written opinion. It is strange to me that the convicted defendant didn't appeal on more grounds than the procedural one, including whether his conduct amounted to torture. If I was convicted and facing jail time I would appeal every issue under the sun hoping something sticks. I kind of skimmed the opinion, and couldn't even figure out what statute he was being prosecuted under. I think it said something about civil rights violations, but I thought Section 1983 "cruel and unusual" cases were civil, not criminal. Can you tell what he was being prosecuted under?
Praedor, Ralph, et al., first, middle ages (the Inquisition?) and international laws are not binding on the US, unless the US specifically adopts them. The UN and Geneva Conventions do not specifically address waterboarding. There is no statute, treaty or SCOTUS opinion that I am aware of that specifically defines waterboarding at all, much less as per se torture, so it will remain a gray area no matter how strongly you or I may feel about it. If you are aware of such authority, please cite. You use terms like waterboarding "is considered" and "is recognized" as torture. That is not explicit. Finding random military cases or war crimes trials is not the same as binding precedent. Julius Streicher went to the gallows for writing an inciting/ hateful/racist newspaper column for the Nazis; that is not precedent for everyone who writes a hateful column now to be hung. If you feel that strongly about it, call your Congressman. Tell him/her that Obama's executive order, which if you read the fine print leaves an out for using methods beyond the army field manual, is not good enough. Tell him/her you want a specific US statute defining warterboarding and other "enhanced" interrogation methods and making them per se illegal.
Posted by: Herbie H. | January 27, 2009 10:26 AM
Herbie,
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Thanks for the correction.
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I agree that the case is vague concerning the charges. It says the appellant “was jointly tried with three fellow ... law enforcement officers on charges of violating and conspiring to violate the civil rights of prisoners in their custody.” Shortly thereafter, it states that the indictment arose from “a number of incidents in which prisoners were subjected to a ‘water torture’ in order to prompt confessions to various crimes.” Based on these snippets I would surmise that it was a prosecution under Title 18 U.S.C. § 242. That section makes it a federal crime to “willfully” subject “any person in any State, Territory, … [etc.] … to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution or laws of the United States, …” (Think of it as the criminal version of title 21 U.S.C. § 1983.) Title 18 U.S.C. § 241 also makes it a crime to conspire to “injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any person in any State, Territory, Commonwealth, Possession, or District in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United States, or because of his having so exercised the same …” However, it is much more limited in scope than section 242 and might not have applied to the facts.
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As applied to the facts of the case, the prosecution likely proceeded on the theory that the torturous coercion of inmates to confess “willfully” violated their rights to remain silent and not to be compelled to become witnesses against themselves (5th Amend.) as well as the right to be free from inhumane treatment in jail, which the courts have recognized as guaranteed under the Due Process Clause. (14th Amend.) Title 18 U.S.C. § 371 makes it a federal crime to conspire to violate any law against the United States. In the alternative, 18 U.S.C. § 2, also provides that any person who aids, abets, &etc. the commission of an offense is a principal. So, the conspiracy charges were brought in to make sure that anyone who ordered or directed the torture would still get punished even if they were not directly involved in the physical acts of coercion.
Posted by: John W. | January 27, 2009 2:36 PM
The Washington Spectator, December 1, 2008; "The prosecution of the former president by the Obama Department of Justice is unlikely-as is the prospect of Dick Cheney in an orange prison jumpsuit."
"While there is the risk of a public backlash if the DOJ drags members of the previous administration into the dock, there are so many obious allegations of Bush administration criminal acts that no Attorney General who has taken an oath to uphold the law can afford to refrain from acting. --L.D."
Now here is a quote from Barbara Boxer, 12/28/2008, and I think if there is anyone out there that believes like I do that, "One wrong does not make another wrong right" then you should stand up and support her; "I recently wrote to Senator John Kerry (D-MA), the incoming Chairman of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, asking for a hearing on the impact of the use of torture on America's standing in the world and experessing my support for a proposal to establish an outside commission with subpoena power to investagate the authorization of torture at the highest levels of the Admistration."
We need to support people who agree with us and believe that torture is not right. No matter who you are and no matter who you think they are. God's law must reign supreme and "Human Rights" must be cherished. If we can prosecute a person for cruelty to animals then why not people who are cruel and inhumane to other people?
Thank you,
Carol York
Posted by: Carol York | January 31, 2009 5:23 PM