by Mark Silva
Hillary Rodham Clinton, "chief diplomat for the United States of America,'' maintains that North Korea's provocative missile launches demand "very strong action,'' and says flatly that the United States would be forced to respond if Iran were to launch a nuclear attack against Israel.
"I don't think there is any doubt in anyone's mind that were Israel to suffer a nuclear attack by Iran, there would be retaliation,'' Clinton said in an appearance today on ABC News' This Week with George Stephanopoulos, who interviewed the secretary of state and former first lady during her trip to Cairo with President Barack Obama.
Clinton was asked if Obama has answered the question that she raised about him during the Democratic presidential primaries last year about his ability to handle the crisi of a "3 am phone call.''
."Absolutely,'' she said. "And, you know, the president in his public actions and demeanor, and certainly in private with me and with the national security team, has been strong, thoughtful, decisive, I think he is doing a terrific job, and it's an honor to serve with him."
Asked how Obama convinced her to join his Cabinet, Clinton said:
"Utimately it came down to my feeling that, No. 1, when your president asks you to do something for your country, you really need a good reason not to do it. No. 2, if I had won and I had asked him to please help me serve our country, I would have hoped he would say yes. And finally, I looked around our world and I thought, you know, we are in just so many deep holes that everybody had better grab a shovel and start digging out."
Here, courtesy of ABC News, is a transcript of the Clinton interview:
STEPHANOPOULOS: The president has a very high-powered team, Vice President Biden,
General Jones, Secretary Gates.
You've got envoys for Iran, Afghanistan, North Korea. How do you fit in?
(LAUGHTER)
CLINTON: Well, I...
STEPHANOPOULOS: What is your role, exactly?
CLINTON: Well, my role is as the chief diplomat for the United States of
America. And, you know, when I agreed to do this job, I made it very
clear to the president that I would be able to run the State Department
and USAID, and that we would have to forge a team that I think we've
done very well.
And that I wanted special envoys, because we were inheriting so many
hotspot problems that I knew you could never have one person possibly
address all of that.
STEPHANOPOULOS: It also gives you the ability to get out of the crisis
management and carve out areas where you're really going to take
initiative. What are those?
CLINTON: Well, I'm having to do both. I mean, I spend a lot of my time
on the problems that you would imagine, Afghanistan and Pakistan, the
Middle East, Iran. But I'm also working to create a strategic set of
priorities that will guide our efforts.
So for example, there are specific regional and country-based endeavors
that we are teeing up. We are going to work really hard on our
relationships with, for example, Indonesia and Turkey and India.
We have a strategic and economic dialogue that will start the last week
in July with China that Secretary Geithner and I are going to co-lead.
I mean, we...
(CROSSTALK)
STEPHANOPOULOS: Plenty of work to go around.
CLINTON: There is plenty of work to go around. But then there are
transnational problems. I mean, the president asked me to lead the
effort on food security.
The president also wants us to focus on Haiti. And ironically the United
Nations...
STEPHANOPOULOS: The -- you know, President Clinton...
CLINTON: ... secretary-general asked Bill to be the special envoy. So
we're really going to have a united effort by our government and by the
international community.
those are just some of the, you know, very specific and more general
challenges that we are taking on and managing.
STEPHANOPOULOS: You're also developing a reputation for blunt talk as
secretary. You talked about Pakistan abdicating its responsibilities,
about the idea that (INAUDIBLE) negotiation with North Korea is
implausible.
And especially on this issue of settlements with Israel, you were very
strong last week, so was the president.
HRC 5/27/09: HE WANTS TO SEE A STOP TO SETTLEMENTS, NOT - SOME SETTLEMENTS,
NOT OUTPOSTS, NOT NATURAL GROWTHS EXCEPTIONS.
And I don't know if you've seen the headlines in Israel, headlines talking about the American threat.
Publicly the prime minister is saying that this is just unreasonable,
these demands from the United States. And privately he was reported to
have said, and this is a quote: "What the hell do they want from me?"
CLINTON: Well, George, I think it's very clear, as you heard in the
speech from the president here in Cairo, that he wants to focus from the
very beginning of his term in office on doing everything he can to try
to bring the Israelis and the Palestinians together.
We were very close in 2000. And it's heartbreaking to see where we are
today. And we can't just stand by and expect time to work its magic. So
that means, as the president said in his speech, and as he has said on
several other occasions prior to it, that we have to do our very best to
reassure Israel, to demonstrate our commitment to Israel's security,
that the bonds we have are unshakeable and durable.
But we do have a view about Israel's security. We see historical,
demographic, political, technological trends that are very troubling as
to Israel's future. At the same time, there is a legitimate aspiration
of the Palestinian people that needs to be addressed.
STEPHANOPOULOS: So is there any room for compromise on the settlements
issue?
CLINTON: Well, I don't think we want to pre-judge the effort. I think
that if you look back, certainly from my perspective, every Israeli
leader that I have personally known and others who I have looked at
through an historical lens, has come to the same conclusion.
Who would have predicted the Ariel Sharon or Ehud Olmert would have
reached the conclusion they reached about what was in Israel's best
interest. Who would have predicted that even Prime Minister Netanyahu,
in his earlier term, during the 1990s, would have made some of the
decisions he made.
STEPHANOPOULOS: But his team says now that if you continue to push this,
it's going to bring down his government.
CLINTON: We are setting forth our views. Obviously decisions about how
to go forward are up to the Israelis and the Palestinians. But I think
it is an appropriate role for the United States, and certainly it is
what the president has decided, to make clear some of the obstacles he sees.
Now remember, the Israelis made a commitment in the road map in the
prior administration --
STEPHANOPOULOS: But they say that includes an understanding for natural
growth inside the settlement.
CLINTON: Well, that was an understanding that was entered into so far as
we are told, orally. That was never made a part of the official record
of the negotiations, as it was passed on to our administration. No one
in the Bush administration said to anyone that we can find in our
administration --
STEPHANOPOULOS: Not only Elliot Abrams? You wrote about that.
CLINTON: Nobody in a position of authority at the time that the Obama
administration came into office said anything about it. And in fact,
there is also a record that President Bush contradicted even that oral
agreement.
But, the fact is that the road map which was agreed to officially,
adopted by the Israeli government said something very clear about
settlements.
So, I think that what the president is doing is saying, look, everybody
should comply with the obligations you've already committed to. And for
the Palestinians, let's not forget. They must end incitement against
Israel. They must demonstrate an ability to provide security.
STEPHANOPOULOS: That's what I wanted to ask you about.
OBAMA 5/28/09: IT IS A GREAT PLEASURE TO WELCOME PRESIDENT ABBAS...
STEPHANOPOULOS: Abbas was in Washington, last week, He had an interview in the
"Washington Post" where he sure seemed to suggest that he doesn't have
to do anything right now.
CLINTON: Well, I think you're seeing public positions taken, which is
understandable in a process like this. But, we've made it very clear to
President Abbas, what we expect from him, as well.
STEPHANOPOULOS: How about Iran? You reported in the papers back in
March, when you met with the Foreign Minister of the UAE that you were
skeptical of the possibility that diplomacy would work to stall or stop
Iran's nuclear ambitions.
Are you still that doubtful?
CLINTON: Well, I am someone who's going to wait and see.
I mean, I want to see what the president's engagement will bring. We
have a team of people who we have tasked to work on this. I think
there's an enormous amount of potential for change if the Iranians are
willing to --
STEPHANOPOULOS: Well, what do you think they want deep down? You know,
you read some of their public declarations by their supreme leader and
others saying that they consider nuclear weapons un-Islamic. Yet, they
continue to pursue the nuclear program.
CLINTON: But George, one of the values of engagement is we need to have
better information, and maybe about each other. Not just about a one-way
street of information.
The idea that we could have a diplomatic process with Iran means that
for the first time, we would actually be sitting at a table across from
Iranians authorized by the supreme leader to talk with us about a whole
range of issues. That gives us information and insight that we don't
have. Of course there's a contradiction because we don't have any really
clear sense as to what it is they are seeking.
Now, one of the things that you heard the president say is, you know, we
understand the legitimate right of nations to have access to peaceful,
nuclear energy. If that is at the core of what they want, there are ways
of accommodating that do not lead to a nuclear weapon.
So, we have to test that and we have to be willing to sit and listen and
evaluate without giving up what we view as a primary objective of the
engagement, which is to do everything we can to prevent Iran from
becoming a nuclear weapons state.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Your own envoy Dennis Ross has said one way to
strengthen the position the United States going into these negotiations
is to make it very clear that if Iran used nuclear weapons against
Israel or any U.S. ally, that would be met as an attack on the United
States -- full (ph) response.
Now, that was your position during the campaign, as well.
HRC DEBATE 4/16/08:I WOULD MAKE IT CLEAR TO THE IRANIANS THAT AN ATTACK ON ISRAEL WOULD
INCUR MASSIVE RETALIATION FROM THE UNITED STATES.
Is it U.S. policy now?
CLINTON: I think it is U.S. policy to the extent that we have alliances
and understandings with a number of nations. They may not be formal as
it is with NATO, but, I don't think there is any doubt in anyone's mind
that were Israel to suffer a nuclear attack by Iran, there would be
retaliation.
STEPHANOPOULOS: By the United States?
CLINTON: Well, I think there would be retaliation.
And I think part of what is clear is we want to avoid a Middle East arms
race which leads to nuclear weapons being in the possession of other
countries in the Middle East. And we want to make clear that there are
consequences and costs.
Now, let me just put it this way. If Iran is seeking security, if they
believe -- and you know, you have to put yourself into the shoes of the
other party when you negotiate -- if they believe that the United States
might attack them the way that we did attack Iraq, for example --
STEPHANOPOULOS: Before they attack, as a first strike.
CLINTON: That's right, as a first strike. Or, they might have some other
enemies that would do that to them. Part of what we have to make clear
to the Iranians is that their pursuit of nuclear weapons will actually
trigger greater insecurity because right now, many of the nations in the
neighborhood, as you know very well --
STEPHANOPOULOS: Because Israel (ph) will strike before they can finish.
CLINTON: Well, but not only that. I mean, other countries -- other Arab
countries are deeply concerned about Iran having nuclear weapons.
So, does Iran want to face a battery of nuclear weapons (INAUDIBLE) --
(CROSSTALK)
STEPHANOPOULOS: (INAUDIBLE) other Arab nations to say that publically?
That was part of the president's theme today.
CLINTON: Well, you know, we've been there a little over four months. And
clearly a lot of what we're doing is teeing up our framework for
decision making.
We are aggressively pursuing diplomacy, not as an end in itself, but as
a means to try to resolve some of these outstanding and very difficult
problems. And we are asking a lot of people. I mean, there has been a
tremendous demand put on people around the world. I mean, I was at the
OAS and working with nations who had a very different view about Cuba,
than the United States. And basically setting forth a different approach.
We are trying to make clear that the United States is of course going to
pursue our interests in values. But, frankly, we believe there are ways
that we can make them consonant with the issues and values that are
important to others, as well.
STEPHANOPOULOS: You know, when I saw President Ahmadinejad last month,
he said the U.S. wasn't really walking the block (ph) here and he cited
the idea that President Obama never responded to his initial letter of
congratulations.
Why not?
CLINTON: Well, I think that President Obama has made very clear that he
is going to put forth an open hand. But not as part of an electoral ploy
or propaganda.
STEPHANOPOULOS: He had to let the elections play out.
CLINTON: I think just like in every country. There is a process that
takes place during an election. That will be over soon. And then we're
going to hope to get a positive process going.
STEPHANOPOULOS: With North Korea it seems like nothing has worked.
Engagement doesn't work, isolation doesn't work. They keep on pursuing
their nuclear ambitions. And the problem with North Korea is that
they've tried to sell every single weapon they've ever made.
CLINTON: Right.
STEPHANOPOULOS: So, what does that mean? How do we stop them now and
what happens if they try to sell nuclear material?
CLINTON: One of the positive developments, George, in the face of what
has been very provocative and belligerent behavior by the North Koreans
is that it has actually brought the members of -- six-party process --
Japan, South Korea, China, Russia, the United States, much closer
together in how we view --
STEPHANOPOULOS: No progress (ph) is going anywhere, is there?
CLINTON: Well, but I think what is going somewhere is additional
sanctions in the United Nations. Arms embargo, other measures taken
against North Korea with the full support of China and Russia.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Including enforcing past resolutions which gives the
U.N. the ability to board North Korean ships?
CLINTON: Well, we are working very hard to create a mechanism where we
can interdict North Korean shipments. Obviously some countries -- not
just the ones I named -- but others have some legitimate concerns about
setting precedent and alike.
But, we are working very hard. I've personally talked with all the
foreign ministers. Some of them many more times than just a couple.
We've been in very close communication. Obviously we're working closely
with our team in New York. We think we're going to come out of this with
a very strong resolution with (INAUDIBLE) that will have consequences
for the North Korean regime.
STEPHANOPOULOS: And what are the consequences if they try to ship
nuclear material elsewhere?
CLINTON: We will do everything we can to both interdict it and prevent
it and shut off their flow of money. if we do not take significant and
effective action against the North Koreans now, we'll spark an arms race
in Northeast Asia. I don't think anybody wants to see that. And so part of
what we're doing is again, sharing with other countries our calculus of the
risks and the dangers that would lie ahead if we don't take very strong action.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Several senators wrote the president a letter just the
other day that North Korea should go back on list of the states who
sponsor terrorism.
Will you do that?
CLINTON: Well, we're going to look at it. There's a process for it.
Obviously we would want to see recent evidence of their support for
international terrorism.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Do you have any?
CLINTON: Well, we're just beginning to look at it. I don't have an
answer for you right now.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Because the senators say they never stopped with these
actions.
CLINTON: Well, we -- you know, we take it very seriously. I mean,
obviously they were taken off of the list for a purpose and that purpose
is being thwarted by their actions.
STEPHANOPOULOS: On other issue on North Korea. The trial has begun for
the American journalists.
CLINTON: Right.
STEPHANOPOULOS: And the families of the journalists have come out very
clearly and said, the only way this is going to be solved is if the
United States government gets involved directly.
Have you been involved directly in any way?
CLINTON: I have been. I have been involved directly in working with our
team as they have made approaches and requests for information through
the channels we use with North Korea.
The Swedish ambassador in Pyongyang is taking care of our interests
there. He has visited both young women I think, now three times, if I'm
not mistaken. I've met with the families. We have made it clear through
statements, both public and private that we view this as a humanitarian
issue --
STEPHANOPOULOS: We were told that you sent a letter saying that the
girls didn't mean -- the women didn't mean to go into North Korea, and
asking for their release.
CLINTON: I have taken every action that we thought would produce the
result we're looking for.
We think that the charges against these young women are absolutely
without merit or foundation. We hope the trial ends quickly, it's
resolved and they're sent home.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Have you gotten any hopeful signs back?
CLINTON: We have gotten some responses but we're not sure exactly who's
going to be making this decision and what the reasons for the eventual
decision are. So, we've been very careful in what we've said because
clearly we don't want this pulled into the political issues that we have
with North Korea, or the concerns that are being expressed in the United
Nations Security Council. This is separate. It is a humanitarian issue
and the girls should be let go.
STEPHANOPOULOS: It's an interesting point: you (INAUDIBLE) don't know
who is going to make this decision. Do you believe these reports that
Kim Jong-il has tapped his youngest son as his successor?
CLINTON: We obviously are following this very closely. We don't yet know
what the outcome of that...
(CROSSTALK)
STEPHANOPOULOS: What would that mean?
CLINTON: We don't know. I mean, we would have to wait and evaluate it,
the time of it, who might be essentially, you know, put in place to
supervise him, if he were the choice. We have to evaluate all of that.
STEPHANOPOULOS: This week is also the anniversary of -- the 20th
anniversary of the massacre at Tiananmen Square. And you put out a very
strong statement on that anniversary. Yet when you went to China earlier
this year, you basically said the Chinese know what we think about human
rights.
And I guess what I'm trying to get at is, how do you approach that
issue? When do public statements make a difference? When should
diplomacy be conducted privately? And who is your real audience with
these statements?
CLINTON: You know, George, it's such a great question. And there is no
one easy answer, because I think so much of it depends upon what our
objectives are. We have made very clear time and time again our concerns
about religious freedom in China, treatment of Tibet, Tibetan culture.
So that is -- we're on the record with that. We've had these, you know,
very strong statements that we've made historically, going back years,
and so of course we want everyone to know that we still feel very
strongly about it.
But we also would like to see if there is some way we could actually
chip away at Chinese resistance to providing some more, at least
cultural and religious autonomy for Tibetans.
So we -- it's a constant weighing process. You know, I think a lot of
times the public statements can turn out to be counterproductive. They
can harden positions. Yet at the same time, the public statements can
hearten those who are the dissidents.
So trying to keep that in balance so that we don't ever turn our backs
on those who are struggling for the very rights that we believe in so
strongly and that we think are universal rights, and yet looking for
ways that we can actually get results, not just score debating points
or, you know, have somebody say, good for you, you made a strong statement.
So what we're trying to do, and I think you hear it from what the
president and I have been saying over the last four months is to really
focus in on where we can make progress.
STEPHANOPOULOS: A year ago, you bowed out of the presidential campaign, very
graceful speech.
HRC 6/7/2008: LIFE IS TOO SHORT, TIME IS TOO PRECIOUS, AND THE STAKES ARE TOO HIGHT TO DWELL ON WHAT
MIGHT HAVE BEEN. WE HAVE TO WORK TOGETHER ON WHAT STILL CAN BE...
It was a bitter campaign. And I'm just wondering, how
did president Obama convince you to come on his team?
(LAUGHTER)
CLINTON: Well, you know, George, I never had any -- any dream, let alone
inkling that I would end up in President Obama's cabinet. When I left
the presidential race after getting some sleep and taking some deep
breaths, I immediately went to work for him in the general election.
I, you know, traveled the country. I worked hard on my supporters. I
made the case, which I believed strongly in making sure that we elected
him our president. And I was looking forward to going back to the Senate
and, frankly, going back to my life and representing New York, which I
love.
And I had no idea that he had a different plan in mind. So when...
STEPHANOPOULOS: Since the primaries.
CLINTON: Well, but I had -- I mean, that was certainly never expected.
And after the election, I started seeing little, you know, tidbits in
the press, I thought it was absurd. I thought, you know, this is the
kind of silly stuff that ends up in the press.
And then when he called and asked me to come see him, and we had our
first conversation, I said, you know, I really don't think I'm the
person to do this, I want to go back to my life. I really feel like I
owe it to the people of New York.
And I gave him a bunch of other names of people who I thought would be
great secretaries of state. But he was quite persistent and very
persuasive. And, you know, ultimately it came down to my feeling that,
number one, when your president asks you to do something for your
country, you really need a good reason not to do it.
Number two, if I had won and I had asked him to please help me serve our
country, I would have hoped he would say yes. And finally, I looked
around our world and I thought, you know, we are in just so many deep
holes that everybody had better grab a shovel and start digging out.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Final question. The Economist magazine said this week
that the question you raised in that famous "3 a.m." ad is right back in
the center of American politics.
AD: IT'S 3AM AND YOUR CHILDREN ARE SAFE AND ASLEEP. WHO DO YOU
WANT ANSWERING THE PHONE?
Has the president answered it for you?
CLINTON: Absolutely. And, you know, the president in his public actions
and demeanor, and certainly in private with me and with the national
security team, has been strong, thoughtful, decisive, I think he is
doing a terrific job. And it's an honor to serve with him.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Madam Secretary, thank you very much.
CLINTON: Thanks. Good to talk to you.
END









Comments
She's trying to dig herself out of a hole--of campaign debt, etc.
She hasn't ruled out running for Prez again.
Hmmm. Has any Secy. of State made that transition to Prez?
Posted by: ornery | June 7, 2009 10:14 AM
It will be interesting to see how-- if at all-- the countries mentioned will be treated vis-a-vis the Bush Administration and Clinton Adminstration. Particularly, Russia and China.
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And they said she'd rule the roost if allowed to serve in the Obama Administration. You barely see her; Condi style. Although, I have to disagree. Towards the end-- The Bush Administration-- Rice-- did publicly fluster over the need to stop the settlements.
Posted by: SnowPatrol | June 7, 2009 1:47 PM
* * * * *
Hmmm. Has any Secy. of State made that transition to Prez?
* * * * *
Posted by: ornery | June 7, 2009 10:14 AM
.
Yes. But it has been a very long time since that has happened. James Buchanan was the last person to serve full time as Secretary of State (1845-1849) and then as President (1857 - 1861). William Howard Taft also served as acting Secretary of State (while also serving as Secretary of War) (1904-1908), but that was not his full time post. In any event, that, too, happened over one hundred years ago.
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But there is no reason, other than the accidents of history, why those who have served as Secretary of State have not landed in the White House. George H.W. Bush served as the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. as well as the unofficial ambassador to mainland China (while we did not have official diplomatic ties). If such a lesser diplomat can make it to the White House, why not the Secretary of State? Some of the “SoS curse” might have to do with the fact that most people who have served in that post have had little or no prior experience in elected office, and/or do not seek further elective office afterwards. Between Eisenhower’s last term and today, only three SoSs have held prior elective office. Hillary is the third. The first two (Christian Archibald Herter and Edmund Muskie) either weren’t national-level politicians, weren’t popular after their service, or didn’t run for further office. We know, however, that Hillary breaks the mold. She has held elective office, she has a national following, and she is certainly ambitious enough to pursue the presidency in the future.
Posted by: John W. | June 9, 2009 10:50 AM