Three strikes for Arlen Specter

Sen. Arlen Specter is driven away after his defeat in the Pennsylvania Democratic U.S. Senate primary Tuesday. (AP/Carolyn Kaster)

by Janet Hook and Seema Mehta

In a year where the entire political establishment is being challenged by rank-and-file activists, Sen. Arlen Specter is a standout. He managed to run afoul of both parties in one election cycle.

Specter, Pennsylvania's Republican turned Democrat, is one of the tallest trees to fall in this spring's electoral storm, ending a career that survived three decades of U.S. political history.

Yet despite all the things that make Specter exceptional, his defeat -- coupled with the results of other primaries and special elections this week -- sends a message that resonates with career politicians across the spectrum. Voters are not just turning against established power; they are also trying to reshape their parties.

The primary season is far from over and already the political world has been rocked by the defeat of one senior Republican for being part of Washington's big-spending culture; the defeat of a GOP candidate backed by national party leaders; and the forced runoff of a Democratic committee chairwoman for being too cozy with moneyed business interests.

The message: Many surly voters are looking for a new brand of leadership that is missing from old hands in Washington who seem to care more about their own career longevity than about their constituents or the principles of their political party.

Specter met his match in a volatile mid-term climate in which his assets (seniority, connections, ability to deliver concrete benefits to constituents) had been devalued and his liabilities (being a candidly self-seeking party-switcher) were crippling in an election defined by the question: "Whose side are you on?"

Specter's primary opponent, Rep. Joe Sestak, broadcast a television ad that focused on Specter's party switch in 2009, when the senator acknowledged he could not be reelected as a Republican.

"Arlen Specter switched parties to save one job: His, not yours," the ad said.

The message was especially powerful in a state where unemployment runs high and many areas have never recovered from the decline of steel and other heavy industries.

Specter let slip just how shallow his roots were in his newfound party, even as the primary approached.

"I thank the Allegheny Republican Committee for endorsing me," he said, misspeaking at a Democratic party event earlier this month. "It's a great pleasure to be endorsed by the Allegheny County Republicans."

The slip came in front of likely primary voters, who are among the most committed and ideologically driven people in the electorate, regardless of party. And many liberals were already finding it hard to forgive Specter for his long GOP record.

Although he was less conservative than most Republicans in the Senate, he played a leading role in confirming some of the most conservative justices on the Supreme Court.

"He got Clarence Thomas on the court, so there is some past history," said John Kerr, a 60-year-old photographer who voted for Sestak.

Both as a Republican and a Democrat, Specter has been skilled with the tools of incumbency, but they did not prove as effective as they once were at building voter support. Obama endorsed him, but rebuffed a request for an 11th-hour campaign visit.

Sestak's willingness to defy Obama's efforts to clear the field for Specter may have enhanced the challenger's appeal.

"Sestak has a style and a willingness to speak his mind that is really attractive," said Ilyse Hogue, campaign director for Moveon.org, a liberal group that backed him.

Moveon.org is mounting challenges to Washington veterans in part because they have diverged from their liberal principles in policy. But like many activists on the right, they are also seeking candidates who reject the compromising and logrolling that have historically defined Washington politics.

"There's a culture of gentility in Washington -- an agreement to disagree politely and not speak truth to power. Our members have had enough of that," Hogue said in a comment that could as easily have come from a "tea party" leader.

In the Kentucky GOP Senate, Rand Paul also reaped political gain by running against a candidate anointed by the party establishment, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).

"There's been a collapse of confidence in institutions across the board -- financial institutions, government, political leaders," said Vin Weber, a former Republican House member who is now a political strategist. "People don't want to be told by leaders of those institutions who to vote for."

As a longtime member of the Appropriations Committee, Specter also tried to play a traditional hole card of incumbency: He touted his ability to bring home the bacon and use his influence to help his constituents.

Such things can help make incumbents almost invincible, but in this populist climate, it was not the buffer against voter frustration that Specter would have liked it to be.

That is, in part, because pork barreling is no longer the exclusive preserve of senior members of Congress; even junior members get money "earmarked" for projects in their states and districts. And the practice has come under increasing criticism as the deficit has ballooned.

As a result, for Specter and others, being able to "deliver" became a liability as well as an asset.

Sen. Robert F. Bennett (R-Utah) lost his party's nomination this month in part because of conservative criticism of his earmarking of money for the state. Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.) was forced into a runoff for her party's nomination despite the fact that she had recently become chairwoman of the Agriculture Committee.

"Being able to bring the bacon home doesn't work," said Geoff Garin, a Democratic pollster. "I don't think this is a year about being able to work this system. It's about changing the system."